The ongoing decline of urban areas in Eastern Germany is not an exceptional phenomenon; processes of urban decay have been observed for at least three decades in the western part of the country and in a lot of other parts of the industrialised world. Changing demographic patterns (due to e.g. low fertility rates as well as socio-cultural changes of lifestyles, etc.) and mainly globally initiated economic transition processes from the industrial to the post-industrial society are considered to be the main reasons for urban decline in the European Union and North America (for Europe e.g. Couch; Fraser; Percy 2003, for North America e.g. Kühn 2003). Most of the former eastern European countries face a much wider ranging economic shift from planned to market economies which often leads to temporary or long-term economic decay.

Fig. 1: Total fertility rate around 2001 (Quelle: Council of Europe 2002: 16)

Both economic and demographic decline generate wide-ranging processes of urban decay (Lang, Tenz 2003). These complex processes are not easy to understand and difficult to manage with existing instruments. In Germany, a lively debate about planning aims and strategic approaches to overcome these problems just started a couple of years ago (Brandstetter 2004). Urban regeneration will be a long during process, and knowledge transfer from regions which already experienced urban decline seems to be important and essential.

Referring to recent demographic forecasts, there is no doubt that Europe as a whole will face a significant decrease of the number of people in the next 45 years. (Table 1) Fertility rates are not only very low in Eastern Germany, but also in most in a lot of European countries like e.g. in Spain, Latvia and Italy (Council of Europe 2002: 23). Even a change in present trends is unlikely to lead to a significant change in the population in 2050.

Table 1: Population in Europe and selected countries (in thousands) Medium variant 2000-2050 (source: UN population division; UN-definition of Europe)

Widening of spatial disparities

In general, economic decline causes the out-migration of the labour-force to some extent. Out-migration from regions in decline is expected to lead to an increase in present spatial disparities, and in future, less “winner” regions might counterpart more “looser” regions. Although disparities have statistically increased since the enlargement of the EU in 2004 (Figure 1), the problem of spatial disparities is not new (Seers 1983). As most policies have failed to overcome the spatial disparities in the EU, this issue is still at the forefront of the political agenda. Figure 1 points out the present distribution of economic power and shows the nature of economic disparities in Europe.

Fig. 2: GDP per capita in PPS, EU 15 = 100, 2000 (Origin of data: EU 15 and CCs: Eurostat, Norway: National Statistical Office; Geographical Base: Eurostat GISCO; Source: ESPON Database; © EuroGeographics Association for the administrative boundaries.)

Case-studies of urban decline and regeneration across Europe

The current volume of the online-journal “Städte im Umbruch” focuses on declining cities and regions and spatial disparities in some EU-member states. It shows the wide range of different approaches tackle the impacts in practice on national, regional and local levels.

Case studies from seven cities in the EU contribute to an overview about current trends, and these articles highlight the specific contexts in which the transition processes take place.

The aim of this volume of the online-journal “Städte im Umbruch” is about sharpening the view for continuing spatial disparities all across Europe and to promote the spread of ideas and research experience in this field.

The first article describes the economic and social shifts which took place in Dublin (Ireland) in the last century. As Michael Punch argues not only economic and urban decay should be taken into consideration by local and state regeneration policies but also the social impacts of these transition processes. The transformation from an industrialised to a post industrialised society led to a loss of 45.000 jobs in the industrial sector between 1961 and 1996. Despite strong growth in other sectors like finance, services and tourism, poverty and unemployment of some social groups in Dublin have not been eliminated. Michael Punch’s article reveals that in the context of urban regeneration local political stakeholders should not partially argue for neo-liberal interest. He points out that – in the case of Dublin – the integration of deprived groups of inhabitants is indispensable in order to promote urban regeneration in a wider understanding.

Gordon Dabinett’s article provides a deeper insight into the decline and the regeneration of the city of Sheffield in Northern England. Between 1981 and 1991, Sheffield faced a tremendous process of deindustrialisation which coincided with the loss of 33.500 jobs in the steel and metal producing sector. Job losses by far have not been compensated by the growth of other sectors. In the course of continuing economic decline, the population in Sheffield decreased from about 548.000 to 529.000 people. It was in this time when social and spatial disparities in Sheffield – and also in the UK as a whole – increased widely. However, the diversification of the economic structure is coming forth, and investments in the inner city centre have been undertaken. Although the urban regeneration process has already started, it is still unclear if this is going to lead to decreasing social and spatial disparities.

Frank Hansen and Søren Smidt-Jensen focus on the transition process of the city of Nakskov in order to point out the development of “new” peripheries in Denmark. These growing spatial disparities can be seen in a wider context of globalisation, but they are also due to changing regional policies on national and EU level. The Danish regional development strategy is two-fold: structural funds from the EU shall contribute to balance spatial development; while the regional policies of several Danish governments focus on the competitiveness of the big cities, esp. Copenhagen, in order to create spill over effects. Simultaneously, a devolution strategy in favour of both regional and local level has been implemented which has been widely interpreted as to shift the responsibility away from state government. The city of Nakskov tries to cope with the structural change with a strategic, but risky, investment and industrialisation policy which success is rather uncertain.

Jussi S. Jauhiainens article provides a deeper insight into spatial development in Finland. Finland is characterised by enormous spatial disparities – very sparsely populated areas in the northern part of the country counterpart big cities along the southern Baltic coast. Globalisation and the break down of the Soviet Union in the early 1990’s, one of the most important Finnish trade partners, led to a long period of decline and a loss of a large amount of industrial jobs in particular. It is largely the big cities who gained profit from the upswing at the end of the 1990’s. On the other hand, more than half of the Finnish small and medium-sized cities face economic and demographic decline – often due to a mono-structured industrial profile. At present, a research project at the University of Oulu is analysing the decline and recovery of two housing areas in Oulu and Kainuu Region. According to the first findings, Finnish cities and regions do not network in order to save resources but rather try to cope with their situation on their own.

Also Taranto in southern Italy, a town strategically industrialised as a former “growth pole” by national plans in the 1950’s, seeks a way out of ongoing economic decline. As Angela Barbanente and Valeria Monno illustrate stakeholders try to reinvent the image of the city and to strengthen the identity of the population with the town of Taranto. Mainly historic examples come up in the current debate: on one hand, Taranto tries to tie up to its role as a former harbour town; on the other hand, stakeholders try to establish a new regional cooperation with the surrounding region of Arco-Ionico. Of main importance in this process is financial support from the EU which will be taken to create new stakeholder networks on regional level.

Andreas Billert provides a deeper insight in present problems and deficits of the urban planning policy in Poland. Since the political change in the late 80’s, no new planning regulations have been passed by the State. The lack of an up-to-date planning law and to a certain extent still unclear land tenure, leaves Polish urban and regional planning authorities without holistic and long-term planning concepts. The present regeneration of inner city areas in Poland is mainly based on market driven dynamics. But according to the author, it is not unlikely that the lack of a modern planning law leads to insoluble problems in terms of urban renewal especially in the deprived areas of Polish cities. 

Michaela Fuchs analysis economic risks, and the potential and challenges for Eastern Germany in succession to the EU enlargement. Due to its proximity to Poland and the Czech Republic, this part of Germany is likely to be most concerned by the political and economical change. The author analysis economic dynamics, economic structure and existing trade relations between the East-German Länder, Poland and Czech Republic, and discusses results of a survey made in enterprises in Poland, the Czech Republic and the Land of Saxony in order to explore challenges and conflicts for East German companies. According to her results, strategies should be two fold: to increase cooperation with companies in the new EU member-states, and to enlarge entrepreneurial activity also on these new markets.

References

Birg, Herwig 2001: Die demographische Zeitenwende. Der Bevölkerungsrückgang in Deutschland und Europa, München

Brandstetter, Benno 2004: Kommunale Reaktionen auf städtische Schrumpfungsprozesse anhand ausgewählter ostdeutscher Fallbeispiele (forthcoming)

Council of Europe: Recent Demographic developments in Europe, Strasbourg 2002, http://www.coe.int/t/e/social_cohesion/population/d%E9mo211960EN.PDF (Auszug November 2004)

Couch, Chris; Fraser, Charles; Percy, Susan (ed.) 2003: Urban Regeneration in Europe, Oxford.

Gaschke, Susanne 2003: Wo sind die Kinder? In: Die ZEIT, 34, 2003.

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Kühn, Manfred 2002: Detroit: Schrumpfung und Regeneration einer amerikanischen Stadt, in: Städte im Umbruch Dezember 2002 (vorm. Online-Magazin zur schrumpfenden Stadt); http://www.schrumpfende-stadt.de/magazin/0212.htm.

Lang, Thilo; Tenz, Eric 2003: Von der schrumpfenden Stadt zur Lean City – Prozesse und Auswirkungen der Stadtschrumpfung in Ostdeutschland und deren Bewältigung, Dortmund

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Population Division of the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat: World Population Prospects: The 2002 Revision and World Urbanization Prospects; http://esa.un.org/unpp, 29 May 2004